The Greece we know today was born when Greek patriots declared independence from the Ottomans in 1821, fighting multiple costly wars for years against the Turks, who had amassed a European empire and enslaved Greeks for over three hundred years.
While our ancestors bravely fought their oppressors and established independence from the Turks over two centuries ago, the European Union today curtails our independence and sovereignty in trade, immigration, and defense. Greece’s commitment to the EU opposes its commitment to the values that ground our nation: Faith, Fatherland, and Family.
Ultimately, the laws and regulations of the European Union override Hellenic sovereignty and independence, delegating us as nothing more than a European vassal state and a resort country for elderly tourists. If Greece is to remain in the EU, it must assert its independence within the European Economic Community (EEC) or unilaterally withdraw its membership. Across multiple areas of national interest, exiting the Union would greatly improve Greece’s sovereignty going forward.
Economics
As most already know, one of the key requirements for entering the EU is bringing the Euro currency into national circulation. When the economic crisis hit in the late 2000s, many smaller European nations maintained control over their currency, devalued it, and then took out sizable loans, giving out large stimulus checks and shielding their economy from the effects of the crisis. But Greece, being in the European Union, did not have such an opportunity. This is because German economists and government officials had no reason to devalue the Euro, and consequently, Greece had no leverage in Europe to convince them to prevent the crisis from hitting Greece.
The 2009-2018 crisis affected Greece more than any other country in Europe. With no savings in the national treasury to stimulate economic growth, and no help from Europe, Greece was forced to accept harsh austerity measures by the IMF. The Greek government accepted the terms of the IMF, punishing the Greek people and ushering in a decade of economic lifelessness in the Greek economy and society.
Although the 1974-2009 Greek economy was poorly managed, the actions taken by EU officials and Greek politicians are what truly destroyed the economy. If Greece had control over an independent drachma, as it did until 2002, the crisis would not have been nearly as destructive.
Greece doesn’t belong to everyone
We have commented extensively on the immigration question that faces Europe and Greece. KTE believes that the Greek political state is inextricably linked to the Greek people, and large numbers of legal or illegal immigrants pose an existential threat to the survival of the Greek state.
Over the past two decades, the European Union has left Greece to cope with the immense economic and social cost of hosting thousands of illegal immigrants, an EU policy that is deeply unpopular with the Greek people. When polled in 2018, 82% of Greeks said that they wanted fewer or no additional immigrants taken in by their country. Additionally, 74% believed that immigrants represent an economic and social burden to the Greek people, due to their competition for jobs and social welfare programs.
The EU opened the floodgates for unlimited immigration into Europe, while simultaneously expecting Greece – which has been struggling with the effects of the financial crisis – to assume the burden of hundreds of thousands of foreigners who produce little for the country and draw on benefits that are supported by the Greek tax base.
Of course, economics isn’t everything. We also know how the social cost of the EU’s immigration policy has affected the quality of life for many Greeks living in cities. Neighborhoods like Omonia have become dangerous and practically unlivable for many Greeks. So long as the European Union continues its promises of granting asylum to anyone who shows up on a boat, and pays out large sums of welfare, the Greek people will suffer.
Sovereignty
The UK voted to leave the EU on June 23, 2016, in an unprecedented act of defiance and independence. During this same period, 71% of Greeks echoed a similar sentiment of Euroscepticism, including former Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras.
The UK justified its decision by citing their lack of sovereignty, comprising economic policy, immigration policy, and taking issue with the fact that the social values of their country weren’t being decided by their own people, but instead by unelected bureaucrats in Brussels. Today, Greece has even less of an impact on EU policy than the UK did at the time of their exit, and are less likely to defy the orders of the EU than our Polish and Hungarian counterparts.
The mandate for Grexit has never been stronger, and the Hellenic people ought to demand the same respect and sovereignty afforded to any other independent country. Given the effects of the ongoing migrant crisis, the lingering concerns brought on by the financial crisis, and the looming threat of Turkish expansionism, it is clear that Greece and Europe are set to enter a period of uncertainty and conflict.
Moreover, considering the EU’s obvious lack of respect for Hellenic social and cultural interests, it has become abundantly clear that Europe does not share our interests. The next decade will undoubtedly decide the future of Greek politics and society for the next 100 years. Should Greece place its trust in the same institutions that sold us out during every past crisis, and at every opportunity? Or, do we place our trust in ourselves, our Orthodox brothers, and our culture?
Let it be said that many European countries have patriotic ruling parties who stand up for their people. Poland, Hungary, and Italy maintain respect for their people and culture while remaining within the EU. If Greece wishes to continue its membership, it must establish a level of sovereignty and independence it does not currently have.
KTE embraces Euroscepticism, not because we are opposed to the idea of a European economic community, but because it does not currently serve the interests of the Greek people.